On the same day, the presidential candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar, released a statement in which he pointed out several issues with the electoral process. Atiku concluded his statement saying:

I hereby reject the result of the February 23, 2019 sham election and will be challenging it in court.

The decision to reject the results of the elections by Atiku and the PDP has since set in motion a series of events which this article aims to chronicle as Nigerians, and indeed the world, look towards the inauguration of incumbent and president-elect, Muhammadu Buhari.

First Came the Rejection

Prior to the official rejection statement, the PDP had urged INEC to stop the collation of results for the presidential election, highlighting seven reasons they felt this was necessary. However, with the refusal of INEC to halt the collation process and the declaration of Buhari as the winner, the PDP went on to list even more reasons why the February 23 elections were a “sham.”

The party claimed that some of the issues which were observed had been “premeditated malpractices” which negated the election results. They presented documented evidence for about 16 cases of electoral malpractices, including rigging, snatching of ballot boxes, burning of ballot papers; violence against voters and electoral officers, etc.

Keeping with the decision to challenge Buhari’s victory in court, Atiku inaugurated a legal team headed by Dr. Livy Uzoukwu (SAN), on March 2, and on March 18, the party officially filed its petition.

Then Came the Petition, Evidence, and Denial

As part of the evidence presented to challenge Buhari’s victory, Atiku and PDP’s legal team presented an alternative result to the Presidential Elections Petition Tribunal (PEPT) which showed that Atiku had won by a total of 18 million votes, defeating Buhari who, they claimed, had gotten 16 million votes. The alternative results had allegedly been released by an INEC whistleblower who had access to the commission’s internal server.

The PDP also presented unique identification information of computers which they claimed belonged to INEC while calling experts from Microsoft, IBM, and Oracle to corroborate the information.

The Electoral Commission responded to PDP’s allegations by stating that the alternative results had been fabricated and “invented for the purpose of this case.”

Meanwhile, the APC agreed with INEC’s claims that the server results had been fabricated and further claimed that the PDP had illegally intercepted a public institution’s communications system. However, the PDP in response presented an affidavit from 12 INEC officials who they claimed will testify against the Commission.

Presidential Elections Petition Tribunal (PEPT) Inaugural Hearing, and the Case against Bulkachuwa

The PEPT is a panel of five judges sitting at the Court of Appeal in Abuja. As the name implies, the tribunal, by law, is assigned to preside over presidential and vice-presidential election matters and by such powers will preside over the petitions related to the presidential election, including the case against Buhari’s victory as filed by Atiku and the PDP.

The tribunal had its inaugural sitting on Wednesday, May 8 and fixed May 15 as the date to begin hearing on filed petitions. The tribunal has about 180 days (from the date of filing of the petition) to hear and deliver its judgment, and with an alleged 400 witnesses set to testify, in the case, the PEPT has no time to waste. However, for the PDP, one problem stands in the tribunal’s way; the person of Justice Zainab Bulkachuwa, the President of Nigeria’s Courts of Appeal and head of the PEPT.

Justice Bulkachuwa is married to Adamu Mohammed Bulkachuwa, who is a member of the APC and a Bauchi State senator-elect. Additionally, her son, Aliyu Haidar-Abubakar is also a prominent member of the APC. According to the PDP, Justice Bulkachuwa’s ties to the APC creates the possibility of bias in the execution of her duties as the head of the PEPT.

The PDP filed an official motion on May 16 requesting an order to rescue Justice Bulkachuwa from further participation in PEPT proceedings and for her to be replaced by another Justice of the Appeal Court. The case has been slated for hearing on May 22.

Does this Affect The Presidential Inauguration?

Simply, no. None of this legal drama will affect Buhari’s inauguration, except it is established by the PEPT between now and May 29 that he, in fact, was not the winner of the February elections. However, despite the ongoing legal drama and other cases against Buhari’s victory at the Election Tribunal, the federal government is still carrying on with plans to inaugurate President Buhari on May 29. Even though the celebrations marking the inauguration will hold on June 12, given the recent declaration of the day as Nigeria’s new Democracy Day.

The post Atiku’s case against Buhari’s re-election; a brief history appeared first on Nigerian 2019 General Elections.

Unfortunately, this development has led to the loss of lives of citizens including security personnel themselves. See some of the incidents below:

Bayelsa: Soldiers kill ballot snatcher

Soldiers in Bayelsa reportedly killed (extrajudicially) a young man who attempted to snatch the ballot box. The incident occurred at a polling unit in Four Square road, Otuoke (home of former President Goodluck Jonathan). The soldiers chased him and gunned him down. 

President Muhammadu Buhari prior to the general elections warned that persons who attempted to snatch ballot boxes would pay for it with their lives. Someone just got paid. 

Rivers: Soldiers killed, Security Operatives bar people from voting in

According to reports from a security intelligence firm, some soldiers have been shot dead at Omoku Ogba, Egbema Local Government of Rivers state around 5:40PM. Their rifles were taken away by the gang members suspected to be political thugs. 

In the Ikwerre local government area (home town of Transportation Minister, Rotimi Amaechi), heavy gunshots by security officials and thugs led to disruption of voting in several areas, the gunshots continued into the afternoon, preventing many citizens from voting. 

In some other places in the LGA where voting held, the security operatives supervised the snatching of ballot box by hoodlums. 

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At the end of May 29, 2019, two outcomes may emerge: a new president and an entirely new experiment at governance, or the old president remains and with a continuing advocacy that the administration does better in areas that we think it has failed.

The Buhari administration started on a wheel of criticisms. I participated in these criticisms. I wrote at least five articles analysing incoming President Buhari’s motives, and asking intricate questions about how differently his administration would tackle Nigeria’s various problems. After a month, I resigned. To be fair, criticism is a first step, and it is ultimately more rewarding to be constructive than critical. In my small sense of grandiosity, I gave President Buhari a chance.

One idea that seems to be gaining currency is that Atiku will do differently. What he would do differently, how he would do it differently, and why he would do it differently is not clear. It is not also clear that difference, means better. 

What is clear is that – either by honest popular opinions, Buhari has not delivered on his promises. Or by some unique apparition inspired by opposite and divisive media, Buhari, like President Goodluck Jonathan, has been made the enemy of his ambitions and must face the proverbial guillotine of leaders who defy the king-makers. Either way, a failure is a failure. And he must go.

On one side, both candidates are not very different. Buhari and Atiku have both lost presidential elections three times. Both candidates have been around the corridors of power for over the last three decades. At a more personal level: both candidates have each married more than one wife, both are of Fulani origin, Muslims, Northerners, and each above 70 years of age. Both have even cried on national television over the pressures of elections.

On the other side, these similarities indicate that the grasp for power is not one that is tied around just their personality, as advertised by popular media – kleptocrat vs dictator, or good vs evil. It goes beyond that. Both represent a growing division within Nigeria’s political elite class across each region, struggling for the balance of power. Conflicts like these last longer, in the theological space, we say that God is on both sides. If there is anything noteworthy, it is that in all previous political battles, Buhari has often emerged the winner.[

But the 2019 elections might have a different appeal. Unlike Atiku, Buhari has been on the spotlight for over three years – the country has seen his flaws, he is definitely far from perfect. At the extreme he wields democratic power very dictatorially and he is surrounded by insidious power brokers.

At the more basic level the administration has taken a defensive no-listening approach to the Nigerian people, prices have gone up, the circular flow of income has become slimmer, and the distance between the government and the people is significantly wider.

Atiku does not share this burden. He is not branded as a religious or ethnic bigot. He is perceived to be economically savvy, socially engaging, and has a more adjusted political base. Atiku’s biggest obstruction is the political party he represents – a party which held power for four tenures with accusations of massive corruption across the country.

Over the last few months, both candidates have gathered a large support base. Atiku has demonstrated that he is willing to fight for what he wants, he has won support from some of the toughest politicians, he has adopted a vice from the politically marginalized eastern region, and he has money, lots of money. Buhari is no longer the underdog. The power of incumbency is in Buhari’s hands, and he has demonstrated his capacity to use power.

But the race is not only about who becomes President. It is many things for many people. For the Nigerian political elite it is about political positions, appointments and contracts. For the middle class it’s about jobs, infrastructure, and safety. For the majority – the high number of uneducated, unskilled population – it is about tribe, and God, and daily bread.

One thing Buhari is applauded for was his fight against the insurgency. Even though it has not been completely wiped out, the bulk of the attacks have been concentrated in the northeast. One thing Atiku gets right is that people are hungry. In Nigeria, poverty is a type of Boko Haram. Politicians who have been feeding their people with statistics alone will not will not be allowed to remain. 

On Saturday, for the second time, Nigerians will go to the polls to vote. This is the first time those born into Democracy will vote. Whoever wins will not change Nigerians message to their politicians. Politics will not be the same thing it used to be from 2019.

The post To vote or not to vote: Nigeria’s stalemate political decision appeared first on Nigerian 2019 General Elections.

The main opposition party, the People’s Democratic Party led the call for Yakubu’s resignation in a statement reacting to the news.

We tracked reactions on social media and found that a number of Nigerians share similar sentiment as the PDP and have called for the resignation of the chairman.

Perhaps noting that this sentiment abounds, a Nigerian journalist, Kadaria Ahmed, created a poll on Twitter where she asked Nigerians if they were of the opinion that Mahmood should resign or not.

A partisan social media user also called for an outright dismissal of the INEC chairman after the polls.

What do you think? Leave your comments below.

The post Nigerians are calling for Mahmood Yakubu’s resignation in response to elections postponement appeared first on Nigerian 2019 General Elections.

Adamawa, a mixed religious state in Nigeria’s Muslim North was also rocked by the devastating carnage. Adamawa state has its own rich history of political violence and has been listed by the International Crisis Group as one of the six riskiest states ahead of the general elections.

However, Yola Connect, a youth group, named after the state capital are pushing to change this narrative. The group mostly comprising students are moving from house-to-house evangelizing their communities on the need to embrace peace. The 300-person walk had the youths who were supporters of various candidates and parties suing for peace, integrity and issues based campaigns.

Among factors that could trigger conflict in the state, according to the ICG include, “hate speeches, the spread of fake news and abuse of electoral laws.” These factors form the basis of the group’s advocacy.

“We want people to remember that after elections there is life to live, let us not compromise relationships because of politics or for a candidate who won’t even acknowledge your sacrifice,” says Abdulrahman Bappulo, 27. “I have one vote, and the candidates have one vote there’s no need to fight.”

The crusade also moved against vote trading, which has become a dominant issue around the elections.

“We told them that when politicians pay for their votes they also have to recover those funds after elections at the detriment of providing basic amenities in their communities,” says Inuwa Isa Meeraj, 24, a founding member of Yola Connect. “Part of the message we passed was to open their minds to see how the youths are important in the growth of every society.”

The post Youths are leading peace efforts in a Nigerian state known for electoral violence appeared first on Nigerian 2019 General Elections.

As seen from your commentary on both social media and mainstream media, you seem to be quite concerned about the fragility of the Nigerian state. How important do you think the 2019 General Election is for the country in terms of stability? 

Thanks, Mercy. First, let me commend, once again, the excellent work you do for Nigeria. I’ve said it once and it bears repeating: mine is a failed generation that now shamelessly has to latch our hopes for Nigeria to the work that exceptional citizens in your generation, such as yourself, are doing. Now to your question. It is perhaps auspicious that talking about you brings the generational question to mind. I know that it is a cliché of political discourse all over the world to label every election the most important election in a country’s history. If you look at American politicians, for instance, every election, they claim, is the “most important election of our lifetime.” However, in the case of Nigeria 2019, it is safe to say that we are not in the province of metaphors, clichés, or hyperbole. The 2019 election is truly and literally the most important of our lifetime. This is the case because it is an election of generational transitions. By 2023, much of the millennial demographic would have moved closer in age to my generation. And those of us in my generation who are still forming youth with millennials on social media will finally have to accept the actuality of our undeniable Babahood and Mamahood. So, those who are going to be elected on February 16, 2019 will preside over transitions in Nigeria’s demography with considerable social, cultural, political, and economic implications. They are going to preside over climacteric changes in the national demographic at a time of heightened invidiousness along our traditional fault lines – ethnicity, religion, and political affiliation. We are either going to elect people who are aware of these dynamics and nuances or analog ignoramuses who will make Nigeria miss out on the knowledge economy.

Do you agree with the recent predictions from the Crisis Group and other international risk analysts which are signalling that the 2019 general elections might be more violent than the previous elections? 

Well, for starters, Nigeria has become a more violent society over the course of the last four years. All the spectres of physical and symbolic violence have become even more accentuated, from terrorism to armed robbery, kidnappings, and political brigandage. Symbolic and physical violence have become the currency of the politics of everyday life in Nigeria. The public commentator, Ayo Sogunro, captures it all with his increasingly popular maxim, “Nigeria will kill you”. This bespeaks a relationship between citizen and state rooted in and governed by violence at a fundamental level. All the ingredients are there for 2019 to be an expremely violent election cycle. Added to these scenarios is the fact that the political class continues to misapprehend the extent of the discontent in the land. Apart from a generalized discontent occasioned by President Buhari’s incurable provincialism and clannishness, the unaddressed rumbles of Biafra, south-south resource exploitation resentment, middlebelt disaffection, and the rumbles in a fragmented north fed by so many issues are rolled into a security, law and order cauldron by Nigeria’s ignorant leadership. These unaddressed or wrongly-addressed issues could be exacerbated by the gnawing, killing poverty across the land and the determinantion of an increasingly desperate Buhari regime (well, they behave like a regime!) to organize an unfree and an unfair election. Just look at the pattern of desperation: President Buhari refused to sign the new electoral bill, all the structures and institutions of state are being violated and coerced into Buhari-worship, the CJN, warts and all, was desperately, messily, and illegally removed from office in a manner that lends credence to political readings of the affair. We have laid a foundation for a very violent election cycle and that is why Nigeria’s favorite meddlers, the United States and UK/EU, have thrown caution to the wind and are openly interfering in our domestic affairs to caution against violence.

What are your own top 3 concerns ahead of the 2019 General Elections? What is your assessment of INEC’s readiness for the 2019 elections and do you have confidence in its ability to conduct free and fair polls in 2019? 

Obviously, I am very worried about the possibility of violence and the attendant loss of lives. We are already losing lives in the campaign season and that is tragic. People are dying in campaign crowds because the unscrupulous politicians who weaponize poverty, loot the treasury in order to pay these rented crowds, do not even bother to guarantee 21^st-century crowd safety and control standards. Hence, our people go to campaign grounds to die because they have been mobilized with as little as N100 naira. Secondly, I am extremely worried about the fragility of our institutions. They are not growing. Since 1999, we have been dealing with increasingly weakened institutions. Now we are heading into an election in which every institutional bulwark of democracy has been weakened and appropriated into the myth-making machinery of the incumbent. Where is the separation of the EFCC from the persona of the incumbent when EFCC Chair, Ibrahim Magu, once took to wearing the President’s campaign lapel pins? Where is the separation of the Armed Forces from the mythology of the President when all the Service Chiefs just happened to accidentally stumble into a presidential campaign event? I can go on, but I guess I have already segued into your last question about INEC’s readiness and ability. I don’t know too much about the current INEC Chairman but I’ve read assessment snippets by people I trust. There seems to be a consensus that he has a lot of integrity and is credible. However – and there is always a tragic however to an optimistic assessment of anything Nigerian – he and INEC are operating in the context of an overall institutional debauchery that I have been analyzing. In the context of institutional synergies, for instance, you are only as good as your weakest link. If you, INEC, put your best foot forward, what happens when another institution, the police, has been co-opted? You are not protected. Your offices are mysteriously set ablaze. Your capacity to effectively deliver PVCs is seriously undermined and we start to hear stories of citizens being disenfranchized because they cannot collect their PVCs.

A number of flags have been raised by the opposition and a section of the civil society. What do you make of the recent arrests and criminal investigations of opposition figures like Senator Dino Melaye? 

Those concerns are genuine because the Buhari regime has a track record of hiding behind the one finger of a ridiculously-prosecuted anti-corruption war to hound the opposition and people whose voices or faces they do not like. Don’t forget that this is a regime that has shown itself capable of mass murder as we have witnessed with the case of El Zakzaky’s shiite followers. Look at how long they have defied court orders – after massacres of civilians – and have kept El Zakzaky and his wife in jail. Look at Deji Adeyanju. However, Nigeria is a very complicated body politic. The biases, weaknesses, and corruption of the incumbent very easily play into the hands of corrupt charlatans who delude themselves as “the opposition” and proceed to break the law, and just generally misbehave. Dino Melaye is one such charlatan. He is a court jester with no legitimacy and he imagines he can disregard lawful police invitations backed by warrants. We must not tolerate such misbehaviour from members of the political elite. Ayo Fayose is another charlatan. He is no opposition. He is just lucky that President Buhari’s anti-corruption war has been so biased, so tragically one-sided and nepotistic, that a Fayose who was caught on audio tape receiving his own share of the Dasuki ATM, now has grounds to scream opposition harassment whenever the wheels of justice roll in his direction. It is such a shame!

As a Nigerian in the diaspora, who would not be able to vote what are the issues that matter to you the most (assuming you had an opportunity to)?

I only one issue: education. Mercy, education is the proverbial egg before the chicken or the chicken before the egg. I have been at the forefront of advocacy for education, especially higher education, for a very long time. Maybe I have a keener sense of the Nigerian tragedy because I do a lot of capacity building work at the doctoral and postdoctoral levels for Universities in many countries across Africa. Maybe it is because I have also spent more than half of my entire adult life in Canadian, US, and European Universities so I find that I cannot sleep at night because of the predicament of Nigeria. Nigerians have no idea just how bad it is and, sometimes, I feel like I have to give up because you don’t even know where to start. All I can tell you is we need people in office who understand that we need to declare a state of emergency in the education sector. There is need for a complete overhaul of public education at all levels. Infrastructure decay and welfare of teachers and students are just a fraction of the problem. The entire value system needs emergency surgery. We have kids in primary and secondary school who would rather aspire to grow up and be like MC Oluomo than try to become Nigeria’s first Nobel Prize for Physics. Who Physics epp? If I harp too much on the importance of education, they will dismiss me and tell me to gbe body! Or they start O jewa ke eng, Pius Adesanmi edition. So, education is my only issue. It is my only issue because I don’t believe that the collapse of the education sector in Nigeria is an accident. If you are determined to run Nigeria the way Nigeria has been run by the leaders she has been cursed with since independence, the last thing you need is a well-educated citizenry with an elevated capacity for critical reasoning and engagement. To run Nigeria the way she is run, you need to manufacture sheeple on a large scale. You need to manufacture citizens who would allow you to preside over 100 days of a national University shut down and suffer zero electoral consequences. To manufacture such citizens on a massive national scale, you need to destroy education. The Nigerian political elite have been very efficient about this. The collapse of education in Nigeria is purposed and deliberate.

A number of people have said that the election is a two horse-race between the main opposition PDP and the ruling APC. You appear to be highly critical of both and have indicated some support for third-party candidates. What chances do you think they honestly have? 

People have a very short-term view of the entire third force project. If there is one lesson that those of us on the third force train could learn from the establishment despoilers of Nigeria like President Buhari and Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, it is the longevity of ambition. Look at how many times Buhari ran for President and persisted. Many millennials were not born when Atiku Abubakar first set his sight on a presidential run. These men have persisted, and you’ve got to give it to them. It means that we third forcers have no excuse. Persistence and application have to become the motto of the third force movement. In my own opinion, Oby Ezekwesili, was the best among the third force prospects. Now that she is out, Kingsley Moghalu, Omoyele Sowore, Fela Durotoye, and Donald Duke are slugging it out. How fo we conjugate the strengths of all these people into a more manageable pathway for the force in 2023? What do we have to learn from the strengths and weaknesses of their individual runs? How do we identify the long-distance runners among them or are they all just going to fizzle out after February 16, 2019 and resurface in 2023 a few months to the election? So, we need to have sustained pan-Nigerian third force stakeholder consultations after the election. Nigerians, in principle, have already bought the idea of the third force. What I hear is criticism that many started too late, the lack of a united front, etc. Third forcers need to listen to the people.as we remain in the trenches for 2023.

What is your take on the quality of the campaigning so far from the parties involved in the elections? 

Needless to say, I have not been impressed by the campaigns of the Siamese twins – APC and PDP – because, alas, it is the same scenario we are used to: constipated, clichéd manifestos and promises that the candidates and party henchmen mouthing them have not read; violence; corruption; looting the treasury to fund campaign activities, being clever by half as they receive the proceeds of corruption as campaign donations. President Buhari and his wife and their acolytes have been using Presidential jets for campaign. That is impunity. APC ought to refund the treasury for every campaign trip President Buhari undertakes in that jet. So, these campaigns have been primitive, totally devoid of depth and grand organizing frameworks for Nigerian nationhood. The third party campaigns on the other hand have shown glimpses of a new dawn to come. Look at Oby Ezekwesili, she retired her campaign funds. Only one other presidential candidate, Professor Remi Sonaiya, who ran on the platform of KOWA Party in 2015, has retired campaign funds. Look at Omoyele Sowore and the structures he has built at home and in the Diaspora in such a short time. Third party candidates have shown that it is possible to run a campaign

If you were appointed INEC Chairman (as a Professor you fit the mould of the potential candidates) what would be your key aspect of electoral reforms and why?

Being a University Professor doesn’t necessarily mean that I’d be the right person to run INEC. I don’t want us to fetishize the professoriate. However, Nigeria does not need new electoral reforms. You know why? The Justice Mohammed Uwais report on electoral reforms has been gathering dust under the rugs at Aso Rock Villa since 2008. Basically, we are a very unserious country. There is no political will for excellence and renewal. The pathway out of our current quagmire is in that report. We have had no political will to act on that report. Nothing that would eventuate in a better body politic is ever implemented in Nigeria. Chapter 7 of the Uwais report is entitled, “Sanitizing Nigeria’s Electoral System”, Chapter 8 is entitled, “General Recommendations”. It is a 319-page report, a product of Nigerian genius and application. Mercy, everything we need to do is in there. However, I can bet that none of the current court jesters in the political arena (I am talking about the establishment politicians) has ever read that document. And we think we can headway? I think we play too much!

The post ‘We have laid a foundation for a very violent election cycle’ – Pius Adesanmi speaks on electoral violence appeared first on Nigerian 2019 General Elections.

Besides the endorsement of Atiku, the militants threatened to cripple the economy, stating that “a perpetual recession for Nigeria” would be guaranteed should the incumbent, President Muhammadu Buhari be reelected by Nigerians. 

“We are adopting Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, as the sole candidate to be voted for by all the people of the Niger Delta as a result of his political ideology which is in tandem with our agitation for equitable and fair principles of federalism.” The Avengers warned that it would also resume attacks on Nigeria’s oil installations if Atiku fails to follow through with his campaign promises, specifically, the restructuring of the country.

Atiku’s endorsement comes after a group of ex Niger Delta agitators endorsed Buhari’s election.

The post Niger Delta Avengers endorse Atiku, warn Nigerians of dire consequences if Buhari wins appeared first on Nigerian 2019 General Elections.

The false footage showed a packed crowd of people which was falsely attributed as a show of overwhelming support for President Muhammadu Buhari in Kano, Northern Nigeria’s most populous city.  

However, the post appears to have been a coordinated misinformation campaign as several pro-government activists shared the same version of the video. 

The false video was originally a footage from the procession of the Tijanniya Islamic sect in 2018 and the venue of that event was Eagles Square, a public arcade ground in Abuja, the nation’s capital.

Mr. Sirika apologised in another tweet after several people flagged his post as false. However, he is yet to delete the false post as at the time of filing this report. 

The post Nigeria’s Aviation Minister shared a fake campaign footage to shore up President’s popularity appeared first on Nigerian 2019 General Elections.

A 2018 Global Gender Report, ranked Nigeria as 133 out of 149 countries based on various indicators of gender parity including, economic participation and opportunity; educational attainment; health and survival; and political empowerment. To put it plainly: Nigeria is one of the worst performing countries in the world when it comes to equality of opportunity and women’s rights. The situation seems to be worsening too, as the 2018 figure was worse than it was in 2017, where Nigeria placed 122 out of 144 countries.

The nation heads to the polls in less than 20 days, and as usual, Nigerian women will come out en masse despite the fact that subsequent governments have paid no heed to demands for establishing laws that protect them and serve their interests.

A little over two years ago, the current Senate threw out the Gender and Equal Opportunity Bill which aimed at enacting laws against discrimination based on gender and thus improving women’s access to opportunities. It was rejected by the majority of Senators, who argued that such bills were “un-African” and not in alignment with the religious and cultural beliefs of Nigerians.

The flimsiness with which the legislative arm of government dealt with that Bill creates some concerns as to how the next government will handle the matter of women’s rights. The Buhari-led administration has not seemed particularly concerned over women’s right and the fact that a Bill which affects nearly half of the country’s population was simply dismissed and not given more attention. However, this might not be shocking, considering that Mr. Buhari shares some rather archaic ideas of where women belong to in the society.

While Buhari might have stated that he is on board with the passage of the Gender and Equal Opportunity Bill and the implementation of 35 percent affirmative action, it could be considered campaign talk given his performance on this front. Only about six women formed his cabinet of 36 ministers but Buhari still makes a deal out of his promise to appoint 35 percent females into his cabinet if he is re-elected. Perhaps the polls will indicate whether or not Nigerian women will take him up on that promise.

On the opposition front, we have Abubakar Atiku, the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), who by most accounts, presents a more progressive front on women’s issues than his rival Buhari. Atiku promised about 40 percent of his cabinet positions to women and youths and also promises the creation of a special tribunal for crimes against women including domestic violence, physical or sexual abuse, and rape. Additionally, he promises to increase the representation and retention of women in government and business, through quotas for women on politics and corporate boards. However, his campaign high command does not reflect anything close to his promises, as it looks like a boys’ club.

Atiku’s declaration remains appealing, until one pokes into how his administration plans to allocate the 40 percent appointment between youth and women. The leading question for Atiku then is, what takes precedence in the allocation, gender or age group? The answer to that question will determine whether women will be better represented in his administration than we have seen with the incumbent.

It is worth noting that Atiku’s campaign has highlighted practical steps through which it will increase gender parity across various spheres. Including through incentivizing studies for girls in sciences, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) through scholarships, and placement opportunities in relevant fields; provision of microfinance and financing schemes specifically targeted at youth and women; a general sensitization of the public to youth and gender issues using the media, religious institutions and targeted workshops; and perhaps most importantly, actively encouraging the passage of the Gender Equality Bill while dedicating resources to resolve any blockages.

It is impossible to foretell how either candidate would perform if elected. However, this analysis could serve as an indication of each candidate’s inclination towards women’s issues. We have a sitting President who is known for saying that his wife belongs in the kitchen and “the other room”, and under whom a bill targetting women’s rights was thrown out twice. On the other hand, we have a candidate who has made extensive assurances, and who does not seem to limit his wives to either one room nor the other.

Depending on how you look at it, Nigerian women have either an easy or a difficult decision to make on February 16th.

The post Analysis: Buhari vs Atiku – how they stand on gender inclusion appeared first on Nigerian 2019 General Elections.

The main opposition party’s candidate, Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party has expressed his suspicions over the development, toeing the same line with his party which alleged that the President Muhammadu Buhari administration was plotting to remove the CJN and install a puppet who would do its bidding in electoral matters. Atiku wrote:

Any attempt to force Justice Walter Onnoghen to vacate his office, 4 weeks to an election for which the unpopular Buhari administration has shown every intention to manipulate, is a move pregnant with negative meaning. I see no reason whatsoever for the ongoing pressure by the Buhari government to force Justice Walter Onnoghen to vacate office when he has not been convicted for any offence.

The move has also caught the interest of civil society organisations, with several of them looking beyond the details of the case but probing the motives of the government. Civil rights group SERAP described the trial as a mockery of the judicial process based on its “shaky constitutional and legal process.”

“Whatever the facts, prosecuting the Chief Justice of Nigeria one month before elections is troubling and unwise. He is leader of the Judicial branch of the Government,” Jibrin Ibrahim, a board member of the Centre for Democracy and Development stated in a tweet.

The governors of Nigeria’s South South geopolitical zone are rallying over the situation, as Justice Onnoghen hails from the zone. In all of this, the Nigerian Presidency has denied involvement in the controversial plot.

Prof. Chidi Odinkalu, the former National Human Rights Commission chairman, counters this as he alleged in a tweet that the President met with the planned successor to the CJN based on credible reports available to him.

Should this be taken seriously? Yes.

Recent investigations into the author of the petition which forms the basis of the CJN’s trial has been linked back to the Presidency. Dennis Aghanya, who originated the petition once served as a media aide to President Buhari and was publicity secretary of the Congress for Progressive Change, a platform Buhari contested under in the 2011 elections. According to a deep dive by investigative newspaper, Sahara Reporters, Mr. Aghanya is also the head of a Political Action Committee, the Buhari Unity Band seeking to advance the re-election bid of President Buhari.

No matter what happens or whatever the facts of the trial may be, the government would struggle to convince the Nigerian people it has no intention to sway the elections based on the timeliness of its actions.

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